The differentiation between “emic“ and “etic“ perspectives in qualitative research and its impact on the “truthfulness‘of research findings have always been difficult issues for qualitative researchers. In response to a critique on the author‘ s research paper“Relationships Between Student Development and University Curriculum“, this article discusses the relative boundaries of the “emic“perspective, the difinition of “truth“, and ways to search and verify“troth“for researchers with different world views. Through illustrations from her own research, the author advocates a constructive approach of merging the “emic“and “etic“horizons in the current postmodern social science research.
This paper attempts to construct a theory of the social world. It builds upon three previous constructions:First,Bourdieu‘s habitus(an unarticulated and impoverished web of meaning)and field (the structure of power), being a paraphrase of Merleau-Ponty‘ s body and world. Second, Saussure‘ s languaeke, interpreted as a web of meaning. Third, the time structure of Garfinkel‘s socioiogicai gaze,identified as on infinite and alternating series of two time states, namely, the nmndane and the retlexive, in which the agent is supposed to be living. It argues for three propositions: First, MerleauPonty‘s world, with its two dimensions being Bourdieu‘s fieid and Saussure‘ s language, together with Merleau-Ponty‘s body, moves back and forth between the twc time states. Second, Bourdieu‘ s agent (Merleau-Ponty‘s body carrying Bourdieu‘s habitus) lives in harmony with Merleau-Ponty‘s world in the mundane state only. Third,once Merleau-Ponty‘s body steps into the reflexive state,it changes into Weber‘s actor.
This paper analyses the zhongyong mode of orientation in the Confucian tradition from a social scientific perspective. It consists of three parts. Part One discusses different types of rationality and then points out that the most fundamental problem inadvanced modern society is what may be called the “paradox of reason“, to which Habermas‘ communicative rationality is hardly a practical solution. Part Two portrays zhongyong as a rational mode of orientation, which is neither instrumental-rational nor value-rational but a mixture of both. It also argues that zhongyong rationality has greater potential than communicative rationality, as far as offering a solution to the above-mentioned problem is concerned. Part Three examines the traces of the zhongyong mode of orientation among contemporary Chinese by examining three sets of data, namely,a qualitative study of Confucian entrepreneurs in mainland China, Hong Kong, Taiwan, Malaysia and Singapore, a survey study of social values of the residents in five Chinese communities, and a study of conflict resolution among peasants in a village in Guangdong Province.
The social desirability responding tendency(SDRT) usually makes the validity of self-report data very low, and the MCSD Scale is a common measure to assess SDRT and its underlying construct--the need for approval. But the results of the present study employed Chinese subjects revealed the existence of the desire to appear honest or modest or to avoid of brag, and the stronger this social approval desire is, the lower ,but not higher as the constructors of MCSD expected, the scores on MCSD is. So, MCSD is not applicable to Chinese subjects very well. In addition, the results indicated that Chinese subjects were more responsive to negative items (one‘s faults) than to positive ones(one‘s merits) in MCSD.
In Max Weber‘s The Protestant Ethic And The Spirit Of Capitalism, how the relationship(no matter causality or elective affinity)between“the protestant eth-ic “and “the spirit of capitalism“be constructed is an important question. This paper assumed that there was an analyzable relationship between the two issues, and tried to explore the mechanism of the relationship that the work needed. According to this mechanism,the paper showed some problems in Weber‘s logic. Weber‘s proposition would be sham,if the relationship between“the protestant ethic“ and “the spirit of capitalism“ couldn‘t be analyzed. The author pointed out that any action of overdrawing Weber‘s proposition would be wrong.
The paper introduces briefly the essence and purpose of the Social Work as the applied social sciences in the West. It also explores certain important problems of developing Social Work in China. The discussions related are based on a fundamental hypothesis that Social Work is a kind of social construct. We can not detach its purpose of existence from its historical space and cultural context.
This paper, by differentiating the ideal types of village‘s character and taking the widespread villages without society layer and community memory in the central and western areas in China nowadays as example, has established a three-layered analysing model on village‘s power structure.. The paper argues that the interest transactions between governance elites and non-governance elites are found everywhere in the villages of this kind, where the ordinary villagers are refused to join in the village‘s governance, thus it destroys the space for village‘s further development. Maybe, the author thinks, the democratized governance of villages is one kind of strength to save the village ,on condition that it could first arouse the non-governance elites‘ sense of responsibility and the ordinary villager‘s political consciousness.
This article discusses the relationship between state law and customarylaw, especially concerns the theme of “the third realm“ proposed by Philip C. C. Huang and the “division of the state and society“ responded by Zhiping Liang. State law is not separated from customary law ;and also “the third field“ is not existed between or outside them,it is existed in a contested field affected by multiple-authority. In this contested arena,various authorities take part in it for the resolution of the dispute by mobilizing the cultural and powerful capital. So the relationship between state law and customary law is inter-infiltrative, inter-influential, and inter-contested.
This paper is an attempt to compare China and the United States with respect to the coresidence of parents with adult children and the extent to which those not living with their parents live close, contact and help their parents. Data utilized in this analysis are a 1993 random sample survey conducted in two major Chinese cities--Tianjin and Shanghai, and a 1989 personal interview survey conducted in the Albany-Schenectady-Troy, New York metropolitan area of the United States. Findings present similarities and differences between family patterns and relations in these two markedly different cultural traditions.